The Spanish-American War came in
the wake of Cuban discontent with the long colonial rule of Spain
and Spanish harshness in trying to crush the Cuban insurrection.
The "Yellow Press," U. S. newspapers of William Randolph Hearst
and Joseph Pulitzer, exaggerated and even falsified Spanish
misdeeds in Cuba.
The Montgomery Advertiser repeated some of the
exaggerations. When a previously reluctant President William
McKinley, on April 11, 1898, told a hawkish Congress,
"I await your action," an Advertiser headline proclaimed:
THAT MESSAGE AT LAST! But an Advertiser editorial was
conciliatory: the writer hoped that negotiations could obtain "a
peaceful result, for which every Christian and peace-loving
citizen should fervently pray." Prayers and the fact that the
Spanish government had reached the point of granting Cuba at
least autonomy not withstanding, Advertiser headlines on
April 26 proclaimed: BIG EVENTS OF THE DAY!- Declaration of War
Official!
On May 2, Advertiser headlines told of a big event in the
other war theater involving American and Spanish forces: SPAIN
ADMITS HER COWLETE ROUT--Our Fleet Injured Very Little. The paper
gave details of the defeat in Manila Bay of the Spanish fleet
defending the Philippines and declared: "It was a glorious
victory." The commander of the U. S. Navy's Asiatic Squadron,
Commodore George Dewey, became an instant national hero.
The Advertiser later reported that Montgomerians George
Seibels, a ship's paymaster, and Lts. Lay Everhart and James
Berney Scott, Annapolis graduates, took part in the Battle of
Manila Bay. On May 4 George Seibels wrote his father Emmet in
Montgomery a first-hand account of the battle. Well offshore from
Manila the night of April 30, George and his shipmates on the
gunboat Petrel saw "suddenly a bright light... flashing abreast
of us followed by two flashes, which we knew at once came from
heavy guns. Then a rocket went up. This marked the beginning of
the battle but it was followed by long silence. We all laid down
at our stations and ready for duty... "Finally at 3 o'clock
[a.m., May 11] I fell into a delightful doze and was dreaming of
Home, Sweet Home, when Boom! Boom! went two cannons from the
shore." In the exchanges of fire in two different engagements
between the fleets, Petrel was hit once but suffered no
casualties. Finally, in late morning, "the enemy hauled down his
flag and white ones went up."
George told his father that he was "grateful for a whole hide."
He described the Spanish as "so proud and so brave" and the enemy
prisoners "so very, very polite and courteous."
With the rest of the nation, Montgomery was ready for "a splendid
little war," as characterized by John Hay, later McKinley's
secretary of state. On May 1, even before the news from the
Philippines, the Advertiser reported that "the usual
Saturday crowd was in town and all were talking war."
The city that George Seibels had left to join the Navy in 1896
and the urban development tributary to it had over 40,000
population. By 1898 Montgomery had begun to recover from the
Panic of 1893, the depression whose impact on the city had hurt
business and seriously impeded the development of outlying urban
growth. Population growth and extension of the city itself had
picked up in the 1870s. The first mainly white suburb, elegant
Cottage Hill, was established to the west on the crest of a
ridge. A vast area beyond Cottage Hill would become known as West
Montgomery, settled mostly by blacks, and an adjacent area
nearest the Alabama River called West End would soon become the
site of textile mills.
Several factors combined in the 1880s to accentuate population
growth and extension. Economic growth was one. This factor was
stimulated by the growing impact of the technology produced by
the Industrial Revolution. Animal power and steam and gas
energies were supplemented by electricity. The latter in several
ways soon pulled ahead. In 1886 Montgomery pioneered in the
nation with an electric streetcar system. For a time electricity
replaced mule power; but a fire in the system forced a return to
mules until 1892. In 1888 the City Council signed a contract with
the local Brush Power and Light Company to install electric
lights on city streets. Electric lighting had not entirely
replaced gas lighting by 1898, the year of the Spanish American
War, but it was on its way. In 1898 the Brush Company had to take
the City Council to Circuit Court to collect the last payment on
its contract.
Street paving in Montgomery began in 1885, after the erection of
the Fountain in the Square. Granite stone was laid for pedestrian
crossways on the traffic circle around the basin. Sidewalks began
to be paved about the same time. In 1895 paving commenced on the
main street, Dexter Avenue, with vitrified bricks from local
yards. These steadily replaced dirt on the principal arteries
stemming from the Square. After the paving of Dexter, Montgomery,
and Commerce Streets, work shifted to Court Street and the six
streets named for naval heroes of the War of 1812 that consecu-
tively intersected Dexter all the way up to the Capitol building.
On May 1, 1898, the Advertiser reported "the paving down
N. Perry is being pushed energetically and will soon be finished
all the way." In June the City Council announced plans for the
paving of Lawrence Street from Dexter six blocks south to High
Street. By 1898 the city had started to pave the principal
streets of Cottage Hill.
Objections to paving were inevitable. Financing came from bond
issues but also assessments on adjacent property owners. Street
extension and the streetcar encouraged outlying urban growth. The
most advanced development was Highland Park some two miles east
of the heart of Montgomery, reached by streetcar with tracks that
ran along High Street/Highland Avenue. While it had its own city
council, its population was small, stunted by the Panic of 1893.
"War Declared! on Highland Park Lots" announced an
Advertiser ad of April 12, 1898. Half the unsold lots were
now priced at $100. "Remember," the ad pointed out, "this sale
includes the beautiful OAK and PINE GROVES . . ." The Panic had
virtually frozen development in Cloverdale, a planned community
two miles south of downtown. Extension of Decatur and Hull
Streets had stopped a half mile short. For long distance travel,
Montgomery was served directly by five railroad companies in
1898. Pullmans and buffet parlour cars were available for those
who could afford it. The Louisville and Nashville (L & N), along
with its far-flung system, had "accommodations" to Prattville and
Wetumpka. Finishing touches were being applied in April to
a,magnificent new depot, Union Station, overlooking the Alabama
River at the end of Lee Street.
Just east of the terminal building and shed was a wharf, which
steamboats, longtime mode of transportation for central Alabama's
cotton, still utilized. Cotton warehouses, factors, and brokers
were prominent on Commerce and adjacent streets. Clue to the
still dominant role of agriculture, Montgomery Mayor John H.
Clisby had a cotton agency on Commerce. The steamboat Tinsie
Moore had electric lights and "First Class" accommodations,
but its advertisement inadvertently revealed why the steamboat at
least was no longer king. The boat left the wharf every Tuesday
at 8 o'clock p. m. and arrived in Mobile every Friday. An L & N
train usually covered the tracks between Montgomery and Mobile in
about 12 hours.
A recent transportation marvel of the Industrial Revolution was
the bicycle. More people could afford it as individual
transportation than a horse or horse-and-buggy. Each spring
coveys of the young at heart rode into the countryside to picnic.
only the automobile had yet to appear in Montgomery.
City fathers paid attention to matters of public health and
safety. Sewer lines and water mains had begun to be extended
beyond downtown and the older residential areas by 1898; in that
year the city purchased the private waterworks system established
in 1885. The city had some 47 over-worked physicians in 1898, two
of whom were black, but the advent of modern medicine in the 19th
century meant they had such advances as ether for surgery in
local hospitals. Dr. L. L. Hill had studied under the English
pioneer in antiseptic surgery, Dr. Joseph Lister.
Fires kept the five horse-drawn fire-fighting units, including
one hook-and-ladder company, on the run. One of the five was
black, the Gray Eagle Company # 3, organized in 1864. The city
had 32 fire alarm boxes. Most were in the older settled parts of
the city and in Cottage Hill. The City Council voted in 1898 to
pay the hitherto volunteer firemen.
Horse-drawn carriages and wagons were still the majority of
vehicles on the streets, attested to by 14 livery stables that
rented and sold horses and carriages. Owners often violated a
city ordinance by failing to tie horses and vehicles to hitching
posts. Citizens complained that patrolmen of the city's 33-man
police force ignored the violations that created a chaotic and
sometimes dangerous situation on Dexter and other busy
streets. The force's pay was not munificent for dealing with
Montgomery's frontier-like propensity for violence. But by 1898
blatant violence on downtown streets had largely ebbed. City
court and the state circuit court handled all but federal cases.
In 1898 some 90 white, but no black, attorneys practiced in
Montgomery.
For moral suasion the city had 23 white churches or missions and
one synagogue and 27 black churches in 1898. Prostitution,
gambling, drinking, and sometimes dancing were regularly
denounced in many pulpits. A strong "Bible Belt" strain
influenced religion more than Victorian-era morals.
"Red light districts" had come into being in the 1880s on two
streets only a few blocks north of Dexter--Columbus Street and
Pollard Street. Some gambling took place in downtown, two local
breweries flourished, and saloons were plentiful. Two of the
latter dared to advertise in the 1898 city directory-the Dixie
Bar on Monroe Street announcing "pure liquors, choice wines, jug
trade a specialty;" and Doron's Gem Saloon on Dexter claiming
"the best wines, liquors, and cigars" and offering "free lunches
served every day."
Montgomery had not yet become a city of lavish balls with their
imported orchestras, debutantes, and dancing until midnight. But
the better off enjoyed the smaller cotillions called "germans"
with their grand marches and waltzing. The city had a fine
theater, the Montgomery Theater, corner of North Perry and
Monroe, featuring traveling and local plays, minstrels, musicals,
and other high-quality entertainment. In spring 1898, Montgomery
had an entry in a professional minor league baseball league that
included Atlanta, New Orleans, Birmingham, and Mobile, among
other southern cities; but it folded by summer, apparently the
victim of a genetic Montgomery trait, lack of fan support.
In a post-Civil War black subdivision a mile southeast of the
capitol was a teacher-training institution for blacks named State
Normal. The city's other enduring institution of higher education
was Massey Business College for whites on Court Square, which
turned out secretaries who could cope with two fairly recent
technologies-the telephone and the typewriter.
The City Council's priority for education was indicated by its
1898 budget. From a total of $210,000, only interest on city debt
($70,000) and police ($35,000) topped education ($22,000) Details
showed another side. Two small high schools, one for boys and one
for girls, and four elementary schools served 1,653 enrolled
white students. Six private schools for whites relieved the city
of part of its burden. Blacks had no public high schools and only
two elementary schools for 753 enrolled students, aside from a
small laboratory high school and elementary school at State
Normal. The public school for blacks on Day Street serving West
Montgomery had a principal and one teacher, both black. Two
private schools with mainly white personnel served blacks.
A Confederate veteran wrote the Advertiser: "The Mexican War and
the Confederate War with their hardships, which have been
preached and handed down from sire to son, have not deterred the
younger generation." He was referring to the response to
McKinley's call for volunteers from each state to augment regular
army units scheduled to be sent to Cuba. His observation was not
entirely accurate. The Montgomery part of Alabama's quota of
2,500 volunteers at first consisted of two state militia infantry
companies, the True Blues and the Greys. Some of their members
did not relish the prospect of actual battle or cared little
about Cuban independence. Their ranks came to have a large
minority of men recruited from towns in surrounding counties to
bring the companies up to full strength.
Both Mobile and Montgomery had black state militia infantry
companies that soon became part of a black volunteer Alabama
battalion (later regiment) for Cuban service. Montgomery's,
formed in 1865 after the Civil War, was called the Capital City
Guards. As were the regular armed forces, Montgomery's militia
units were segregated. But Gov. Joseph F. Johnston, likely for
political expediency as blacks in Alabama were not yet
disenfranchised, was behind the forming of the black volunteer
unit for Cuban duty. With the example of blacks in the Union Army
and Navy, they considered military service an honor.
On April 30 an, Advertiser headline proclaimed that THE
BOYS ARE READY,
Those in the three companies who dreamed of glory on the
battlefield were to be utterly disappointed. They fought a
different type of campaign, fraught with boredom but also tension
and resulting in casualties of its own--the campaign of the
training camps. All the while American expeditionary forces were
defeating the Spanish in Cuba and Puerto Rico. Even more
devastating than Manila Bay was the defeat the U. S. Navy
inflicted on July 3 upon the Spanish fleet off Santiago de Cuba,
ending any chance of a Spanish victory though the war dragged on
until August.
The Capitol City Guards had a harder time. They encountered
violence from white troops and snubs from white civilians in
Mobile. Their morale rose when they were ordered to Cuba, but
orders changed and they were sent instead to a camp in Anniston.
In town they were set upon by white soldiers and civilians. Later
in camp a black soldier was shot and killed from ambush. The
Capitol City Guards rewmed to Montgomery in March 1899,
unhonored.
and the paper reported that the Blues with 76
volunteers and the Greys with 87 volunteers had been receiving
new rifles and other equipment. On May I the paper headlined NOW
TO THE FRONT! and gave a list of the volunteers of the Blues,
whose captain was Montgomerian C. F. Anderson, and the Greys,
whose captain was H. B. May of Montgomery. The Greys or Company A
and the Blues or Company D had become part of the newly-created
2nd Volunteer Regiment, Alabama National Guard. On May I the
Blues and Greys left the armory in the city hall and paraded to
Dexter, then turned into Commerce, marching to Union Station.
They were preceded by the 2nd Regiment's band playing Sousa
marches and escorted by the Montgomery Mounted Rifles and
Montgomery Field Artillery, state militia units not called up. A
large crowd gave them "one continuous ovation," according to the
Advertiser, which described how "among some of the older
women there was an evident sadness for they knew what war meant."
But one Confederate veteran was heard to remark, "God knows I
wish I was 18 years old." Thousands packed the train shed of the
depot, which was not to be formally dedicated until May 6. They
"cheered again and again, until the big engine and six train
coaches pulled out for Mobile." The Capital City Guards followed
soon after but with little fanfare on departure.
The Blues and
the Greys pitched their tents in three successive camps, the
first at Mobile where conditions were shabby and drilling was
increasingly rigorous. Miami was initially a welcomed change for,
nearer Cuba, it offered a chance for action. That soon faded and
disease became widespread, though Miami was spared yellow fever
that had become a more deadly enemy in Cuba than the Spanish. The
troops began to fight among themselves in camp and in Miami. Some
Blues officers and men got into a brawl at a prestigious
restaurant. Efforts by Alabama officials led to the transfer of
their men from the "Pest Hole" to Jacksonville, Florida. On
September 17, 1898,
recorded the Advertiser, a train stopped under the shed at
Union Station bearing, among other troops of the 2nd Alabama,
companies A and D. A large crowd had gathered to greet the men as
they emerged from the cars, but 64 all handshaking, kissing, etc.
had to be enacted with a cruel iron bar between." The men
reboarded the train and went to Riverside Park for eventual
mustering out.
