A Moral Case for “Right to Work” and “At Will” Employment

By Scott McPherson

[This article was originally published in the May, 2001 issue of “Perspective”, the public policy journal of the Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs, www.ocpathink.org.  It was reprinted by the Tulsa Beacon]

In anticipation of an upcoming vote on Right to Work, an Oklahoma lawmaker is proposing to use RTW as a springboard for a worrisome attack on the state’s “at will” employment law.  Representative Opio Toure, D-Oklahoma City, is spearheading an attempt by some lawmakers “to circulate an initiative petition to eliminate employment at will in Oklahoma,” according to an April 10 report in the Tulsa World.  “As we have contemplated it, an employee who has been on the job for a certain period of time would have to receive a specified notice before being terminated,” he said.  According to Toure and his allies, at will employment must be scrapped to insulate employees from their wicked bosses in a not-too-distant Right to Work Oklahoma.

The most baneful justifications for scrapping at will employment come from the opponents of both Right to Work and at will laws, who would have us believe that some sort of legislative tit-for-tat is now in order to protect the “rights” of employees against the perceived excessive power of employers.  Yet if one dares scratch beneath the shallow surface of the claims of lawmakers and labor unions, common fallacies surrounding “rights”, “work”, and “fairness” are easily refuted, and the moral case for both Right to Work and at will employment can be made.  And that is precisely what needs to be done.

A free market economy is by definition one in which force and coercion have been abolished; the moral and necessary role of government is in ensuring that it stays that way.  Right to Work is an attempt to remove legal, not private, obstacles to an individual gaining employment.  In spite of the alleged “needs” of unions to protect “their” shops (what the Dark Ages called fiefdoms), a job is a trade of goods and/or services, and a trade, by definition, requires the consent of all parties.  If one party should find the terms of the trade unacceptable, they are free to look elsewhere to satisfy their needs.  Right to Work merely says that the union, backed by the force of government, cannot keep an individual from seeking terms with a potential employer independent of the union, nor force him to give up part of his rightful property to union coffers.  Claiming that this leaves individuals with no “protection” stands the concept on its head.

Writing in the essay Man’s Rights almost forty years ago, Ayn Rand pointed out the obvious:  “There is no such thing as ‘a right to a job’—there is only the right of free trade, that is: a man’s right to take a job if another man chooses to hire him.”  It will be the great contradiction of our time should the state of Oklahoma embrace the idea of the latter part—while chaining the person who makes that choice to the person whom he hires, that is: by dismembering the state’s at will law.

The purpose of all law should be to protect the rights of human beings.  Far from “granting” to employers some “unfair advantage” over employees, at will employment law serves the important moral purpose of recognizing the converse of the dreadful system of slavery abolished in this country by the Thirteen Amendment, namely that a person offering a job should never be the slave of the person accepting it.  If one seeks terms of trade with an employer, he ought not to be able to do so with a club in his hand.

If the person seeking work is unhappy with “at will” conditions, versus contract employment in a particular work place then, as the saying goes, nobody’s holding a gun to his head.  He is free, in every sense of the word, to seek terms with someone else.  Instead of supporting this environment, Rep. Toure and his colleagues wish to interject the figurative gun into that relationship themselves.

In what is perhaps an accidental admission of the true motivation behind his proposal, Rep. Toure said that states with both Right to Work and at will employment do “not afford the employee protection against unfair employers.”  On the other hand, “An employee who has a union contract cannot be fired unless there is cause shown for termination [emphasis added].”  Opponents of Right to Work are attempting to counter their likely defeat on that issue by turning everyone in the state into a union worker, whether he likes it or not.

In claiming the moral high ground of “fairness”, opponents of both Right to Work and at will employment are seeking refuge in a muddled, contradictory and indefensible definition of what is fair.  It is this same interpretation of what is “fair” that has brought the relationship between employer and employee to that condition where companies are being sued for hurting someone’s feelings.

The greatest tragedy is that so many of those on the right side of these questions do not understand the moral premise at stake, and so are ill equipped to counter the arguments of labor leaders and power-hungry politicians alike.  Mike Seney, vice president of the Oklahoma State Chamber of Commerce, pointed out that eroding at will employment would have “extremely damaging” economic consequences.  This is certainly correct—an environment of compulsion is anathema to a productive society, regardless of who holds the whip—but the whip is what needs to be addressed.

Is it fair to fire a man who has worked hard all his life, been on time everyday, and obeyed the rules—just because?  One might just as well ask if it’s fair to refuse to hire him to begin with.  After all, when one seeks to use the law to, in theory, deny the person who owns the job from having a say in the terms of employment, then one is denying, in practice, that he owns the job to begin with.  Perchance, in the end, is it that which Rep. Toure is pursuing? 

04/10/01

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